WEBVTT

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Joining us now is a wonderful man and a fighter for America, one of the good guys in DC, Senator

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Eric Schmidt from the great state of Missouri.

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Senator, welcome to the program.

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Hey, it's good to be with you.

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By the way, at my desk here at home, I just happened to have a pocket constitution at

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my desk.

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Now, I don't think it's from Hillsdale, but I'm glad they're doing that.

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Well, Senator, let's start with that.

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In Congress in general, wouldn't it be nice if most senators and members of Congress

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would be carrying around a pocket constitution?

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That would definitely focus the body, wouldn't it?

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It would.

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And also this like civics class that we should all revisit, which is the state created the

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federal government and agreed that they should have limited powers, right?

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So when you get to DC, it's like everybody wants to solve every problem with expanded

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authority.

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And that's just not the design of the founders.

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I think that is the most important lesson because it's meant to protect liberty,

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right?

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You spread out power.

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You diffuse it.

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And the purpose of all of that is to protect individual liberty.

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I think, yeah, people in DC should take note.

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Revisit that.

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And one in particular, now that we're on this topic, Senator, is I would love to see

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the Republican House, Republican Senate revisit how we veered off course where the administrative

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state is able to author laws without consent of Congress.

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I know this is something that you've really been passionate about when you were previously

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Attorney General and also in the Senate.

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But we're talking about anywhere between 80,000 to 100,000 laws and regulations that have

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basically been authored and implemented without Article 1 consent.

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Basically, it was just this fourth branch.

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Is that something you'd like to see the U.S. Senate try to take up to try to rebalance

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the weight that we have on the administrative state?

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Yeah.

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In fact, when I gave my first floor speech or maiden speech in the Senate, the two

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topics I identified as the biggest threat to our Republic is the suppression of free

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speech and the growth of the administrative state.

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And I think that the administrative state, it's just as antithetical to the design

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of the founders that we're talking about the Constitution had in mind because the

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whole idea of our country is that we could self-govern, right?

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And this was an anomaly in world history.

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It still is, for the most part, in the world today, that the people are the sovereign,

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and the people grant this authority to their elected representatives to go do certain things,

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and they can send them home or they can send them back.

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But ultimately, somebody's accountable.

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The big problem, Charlie, as you know with the administrative state is nobody's accountable.

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You have no idea who the deputy undersecretary of some agency you've never heard of

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is.

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And if they could write a guidance letter to destroy your business or your livelihood

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or take away your liberties, or say, for example, OSHA wants to force 100 million

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people to take the shot, or Joe Biden with the stroke of a pen can wipe away a half

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of a trillion dollars with a student loan debt, that's what they want.

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Because they want to ingrandize their authority.

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But that's not what they're empowered to do.

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And so I do think there's a couple of things that should happen by way of executive order.

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And I think you're going to see Vivek and Elon Musk take on some of these things

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that can be done from an executive level.

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But we do have to have structural reform in Congress.

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Whereas if some bureaucrat wants to ban gas stoves, we should have to vote on that, right?

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And then the people in Missouri can judge me on my vote.

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The people from Idaho can judge somebody from Idaho on their vote.

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But right now, there's just no accountability.

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So it really is a fundamental issue about our republic and self-government.

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So I absolutely think there needs to be a focus in some of the things that I'm going to be working on the Senate.

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And of course, in my previous life as AG, we brought a lot of lawsuits that were successful.

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But we brought that Missouri versus Biden lawsuit that showed these administrative actors

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coordinating with some of the biggest companies in the history of the world to suppress speech,

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which is really scary, too.

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Without getting too wonky, this is just for my own purposes.

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And the audience can definitely hopefully go deeper on this.

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The Chevron doctrine does not go as far on this topic.

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Is that right?

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That just means that the scope of the regulation cannot be extended.

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It doesn't necessarily get down to the root that regulatory agencies cannot author new rules.

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Am I understanding that correctly?

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So I think the best way to describe it is, there are two cases that kind of chipped away.

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There was this, and then the most important one probably is this West Virginia versus EPA case that was decided a few years ago.

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So for the audience, Chevron gave outsized authority or deference to these agencies,

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which basically said, hey, kind of trust the experts here and the courts would defer to their opinions in an outsized way.

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So that starts to get chipped away over the years.

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There's something called the major questions doctrine, which is, hey, if this is a big enough deal,

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maybe Congress should have to weigh in on it.

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So that came down a couple of years ago, which was a big step.

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But in the Loper-Bright case that was decided this past summer, the Supreme Court basically said that the Chevron was wrongly decided.

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OK, so these agencies shouldn't have that much authority.

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But what now remains, Charlie, is what are we left with?

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And so actually I'm leading a working group in the Senate working with people like Mike Lee and others so that Congress now reclaims some of this authority, right?

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We should be the ones that have to vote on these things.

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Our legislation should probably be a little bit more prescriptive, so we don't give them this much authority.

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The other truth is some people in Congress kind of like it, Charlie, because they can say, hey, I voted for the greatest bill in the world,

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but I can't believe what the EPA did, right?

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They can kind of pass the buck and we got to change that dynamic too.

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So there's some work to do, but that's a big opening for us with the Chevron decision being overturned, but we got to do something with it.